Posts tagged ‘China’s Communist Party’

26/03/2014

China’s Three Gorges replaces top executives amid graft probe | Reuters

China’s Three Gorges Corp, which built the world’s biggest hydropower scheme, has replaced its chairman and general manager, the company said, in the latest major reshuffle of a state-owned firm as the government steps up a fight on graft.

China's Three Gorges power company CEO Cao Guangjing makes his statement before the deal signing with Energia de Portugal in Lisbon December 30, 2011. REUTERS/Jose Manuel Ribeiro

Some officials of Three Gorges, set up in 1993 to run the hydropower scheme, were guilty of nepotism, shady property deals and dodgy bidding procedures, the ruling Communist Party’s anti-graft watchdog found in February.

The scandal has reignited public anger over the $59-billion dam, which was funded by a special levy paid by all citizens.

Chairman Cao Guangjing has been removed from his position and would be assigned another job, the company said in a statement on Tuesday. It named Cao’s replacement as Lu Chun, but gave no further details.

via China’s Three Gorges replaces top executives amid graft probe | Reuters.

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28/02/2014

Chinese criticize state firm behind Three Gorges dam over graft probe | Reuters

A scathing report on corruption at the company that built China’s $59-billion Three Gorges dam, the world’s biggest hydropower scheme, has reignited public anger over a project funded through a special levy paid by all citizens.

Ships sail on the Yangtze River near Badong, 100km (62 miles) from the Three Gorges dam in Hubei province August 7, 2012. REUTERS/Carlos Barria

The report by the ruling Communist Party’s anti-graft watchdog last week found that some officials at the Three Gorges Corporation, set up in 1993 to run the scheme, were guilty of nepotism, shady property deals and dodgy bidding procedures.

Between 1992 and 2009, all citizens had to pay a levy built into power prices across China to channel money to the dam’s construction, a project overshadowed by compulsory relocations of residents and environmental concerns.

“The relatives and friends of some leaders interfered with construction projects, certain bidding was conducted secretly … and some leaders illicitly occupied multiple apartments,” the graft watchdog said on its website(www.ccdi.gov.cn).

The Three Gorges Corporation published a statement on its website on Tuesday saying it would look into the issues the probe raised, and strictly punish any corrupt conduct and violations of the law and party discipline.

The accusations – made as part of President Xi Jinping‘s crackdown on deep-rooted corruption – have spread rapidly across China’s popular Twitter-like service Sina Weibo, and some of China’s more outspoken newspapers have weighed in too.

via Chinese criticize state firm behind Three Gorges dam over graft probe | Reuters.

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06/02/2014

Why China’s Leaders Are Finding It Harder to Govern | Foreign Affairs

China had three revolutions in the twentieth century. The first was the 1911 collapse of the Qing dynasty, and with it, the country’s traditional system of governance. After a protracted period of strife came the second revolution, in 1949, when Mao Zedong and his Communist Party won the Chinese Civil War and inaugurated the People’s Republic of China; Mao’s violent and erratic exercise of power ended only with his death, in 1976.

Laborers clean a statue of Mao, September 24, 2013.

The third revolution is ongoing, and so far, its results have been much more positive. It began in mid-1977 with the ascension of Deng Xiaoping, who kicked off a decades-long era of unprecedented reform that transformed China’s hived-off economy into a global pacesetter, lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese out of poverty and unleashing a massive migration to cities. This revolution has continued through the tenures of Deng’s successors, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping.

Of course, the revolution that began with Deng has not been revolutionary in one important sense: the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has maintained its monopoly on political power. Yet the cliché that China has experienced economic reform but not political reform in the years since 1977 obscures an important truth: that political reform, as one Chinese politician told me confidentially in 2002, has “taken place quietly and out of view.”

The fact is that China’s central government operates today in an environment fundamentally different, in three key ways, from the one that existed at the beginning of Deng’s tenure. First, individual Chinese leaders have become progressively weaker in relation to both one another and the rest of society. Second, Chinese society, as well as the economy and the bureaucracy, has fractured, multiplying the number of constituencies China’s leaders must respond to, or at least manage. Third, China’s leadership must now confront a population with more resources, in terms of money, talent, and information, than ever before.

Governing China has become even more difficult than it was for Deng Xiaoping.

For all these reasons, governing China has become even more difficult than it was for Deng. Beijing has reacted to these shifts by incorporating public opinion into its policymaking, while still keeping the basic political structures in place. Chinese leaders are mistaken, however, if they think that they can maintain political and social stability indefinitely without dramatically reforming the country’s system of governance. A China characterized by a weaker state and a stronger civil society requires a considerably different political structure. It demands a far stronger commitment to the rule of law, with more reliable mechanisms — such as courts and legislatures — for resolving conflicts, accommodating various interests, and distributing resources. It also needs better government regulation, transparency, and accountability. Absent such developments, China will be in for more political turmoil in the future than it has experienced in the last four-plus decades. The aftershocks would no doubt be felt by China’s neighbors and the wider world, given China’s growing global reach. China’s past reforms have created new circumstances to which its leaders must quickly adapt. Reform is like riding a bicycle: either you keep moving forward or you fall off.

via Why China’s Leaders Are Finding It Harder to Govern | Foreign Affairs.

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01/11/2013

Chinese land reform: A world to turn upside down | The Economist

MORTGAGING a village home is a sensitive issue in China. A nervous local official has warned residents of Gumian, a small farming community set amid hills and paddies in Guangdong province, that they risk leaking state secrets if they talk to a foreign reporter about the new borrowing scheme that lets them make use of the value of their houses. They talk anyway; they are excited by what is going on.

Urban land in China is owned by the state, and in the 1990s the state allowed a flourishing property market to develop in the cities. That went on to become a colossal engine of economic growth. But rural land, though no longer farmed collectively, as it was in Mao’s disastrous “people’s communes”, has stayed under collective ownership overseen by local party bosses. Farmers are not allowed to buy or sell the land they work or the homes they live in. That hobbles the rural economy, and the opportunities of the farmers who have migrated to the cities but live as second-class citizens there.

Hence the importance of experiments like those in Gumian. Cautious and piecemeal, they have been going on for years. Some are ripe for scaling up. Handled correctly, such an expansion could become a centrepiece of Xi Jinping’s rule.

On October 7th Mr Xi said the government was drawing up a “master plan” for not just more reform, but a “profound revolution”. Such talk is part of the preparations for a plenum of the Communist Party’s Central Committee which will begin on November 9th. It is the third such meeting since Mr Xi came to power; because the first two plenums of a party chief’s term are given over largely to housekeeping matters, including party and government appointments, third plenums are the ones to watch.

And Mr Xi is marking this one out as particularly important. In private conversations with Western leaders he has been comparing the event to the third plenum that, in 1978, saw Deng Xiaoping’s emergence as China’s new strongman after the death of Mao two years earlier, and set the stage for the demise of the people’s communes. Indeed “profound revolution” is a deliberate echo of a phrase of Deng’s.

via Chinese land reform: A world to turn upside down | The Economist.

06/12/2012

* Senior provincial official under investigation

Will this be the first of many such investigations?

Senior provincial official under investigation

China Daily: “Li Chuncheng, deputy secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) is under investigation for alleged discipline violation, according to the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

via Senior provincial official under investigation |Politics |chinadaily.com.cn

12/11/2012

* New Chinese leaders in transition

This is a most insightful article about the new cohort of Chinese leaders. Unlike any other country where national leaders come from all ages and backgrounds, the new Chinese leadership share more in common between them than there are differences. It will give our readers a better understanding of what is about to come once the leadership transition is complete next Spring.

Xinhua: “More than 2,200 delegates to the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) began on Sunday to deliberate a proposed name-list of nominees for the candidates for the Party’s new leadership.

 

Within days, they will elect members and alternate members of the 18th CPC Central Committee, the leading body of the world’s largest ruling party.

China’s leadership transition, which began last year from township level, will surely determine the future of the world’s second largest economy, and influence the world.

A new standing committee of the CPC Beijing municipal committee was elected on July 3, marking the completion of the leadership change at the provincial level.

Since the beginning of the year, main leaders of some central departments and centrally-administered enterprises have been replaced. The seventh plenum of the 17th CPC Central Committee early this month appointed two vice chairmen of the CPC Central Military Commission.

The local leadership transition and central-level reshuffle are preparations for the leadership transition at the 18th Party congress, Dai Yanjun, a scholar on Party building with the Party School of the CPC Central Committee, said.

From central to local levels, the new army of CPC officials bear the distinctive characteristics and personal styles and they are to lead China’s new round of reform and development, said Dai.

GROWING UP UNDER RED FLAG

Among the delegates to the 18th Party congress, a number of CPC officials born in the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, were under the spotlight.

Dai said they grew up in a totally different historic and social environment from their predecessors, which will, to a great extent, lead to a different administration concept and approach.

Unlike the founding fathers of the People’s Republic of China and previous generations of leading officials who grew up in wartime, the new leadership, mostly born around the founding of New China, grew up in peacetime.

This allowed them to have a complete and systematic education of the mainstream socialist ideology, and shaped their worldview and value orientation.

In their youth, they underwent severe tests during the Great Leap Forward in 1958 and “three years of natural disasters” (1959-1961). The turbulent Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) was a hard time for them. Some, in their teens, were forced to live and work in the poorest villages after their parents were persecuted.

“In short, they all went through starvation and had the experience of working hard in rural areas,” said Dai. “They are victims of the Cultural Revolution. They witnessed the ups and downs of China’s development and the success of the national rejuvenation. They are firm supporters of reform and opening up.”

The leading officials born after 1950 and with experiences as “educated youth” are an idealistic and realistic group. They are closely watched by foreigners who are looking into China’s future, said Cheng Li, director of research and a senior fellow at the John L. Thornton China Center of the Brookings Institution.

FULL UNDERSTANDING OF NATIONAL CONDITIONS

Elites have become the backbone of the CPC and the country. The people elected into the top leadership at the 18th Party congress will showcase the Party’s governing ideals and value orientation in the future, said Dai.

A notable feature of the leading officials born after the founding of New China, no matter what families they are from, is that they all have grassroots working experiences. They had worked with ordinary farmers, workers and soldiers, and been promoted step by step.

Such experiences are valuable, said Dai. This gives them a full understanding of the society and country, so that they will address state issues from the viewpoint of common people and focus more on improving people’s livelihood.

Chinese leader Hu Jintao said, at the 90th founding anniversary of the CPC last year, that alienation from the people poses the greatest risk to the Party after it has gained political power.

At the ongoing Party congress, Hu stressed efforts to “put people first, exercise governance for the people and always maintain close ties with them.”

China is undergoing rapid social transformation and many thorny problems emerged first at grassroots levels.

The leading officials were working at grassroots levels when China launched the reform and opening-up drive and profound changes took place in social interests and structure, Dai said.

They met with and handled quite a lot of new problems, Dai said. “Such working experiences enable them to know what the people need most. This is an ability that cannot be learned from books and also their big advantage.”

PROFESSIONAL BACKGROUND AND INTERNATIONAL VISION

Another feature of the leading officials is that they have abundant learning experiences and a sound professional background.

Many of them went to the best colleges in China after the end of the Cultural Revolution, and some others took in-service educational programs and managed to acquire master and doctorate degrees. Well-educated officials are nowadays common in central and local authorities.

With the academic degrees and professional background, they meet better the requirements of the current economic and social development, Dai said.

A feature of their academic backgrounds is that more people studied humanities and social science, and some of them majored in political science, law and management, giving them confidence in pushing forward reform in all respects, Cheng Li said.

Unlike the previous generations who studied in the Soviet Union, many of the leading officials were sent or chose to study in the United States and developed European countries, gaining a broad international vision.

Xie Chuntao, a professor with the Party School of the CPC Central Committee, said that the leading officials are not rigid or conservative, and they will guarantee the adherence to reform and opening up and the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

“They participated in, witnessed and benefitted from reform and opening up, and know what was it like before, so none of them will look back,” said Xie.

27/08/2012

* Gu Kailai verdict set for Monday

FT: “The verdict in the murder trial of the wife of disgraced Chinese politician Bo Xilai will be announced on Monday, wrapping up a key phase in the Communist party’s efforts to deal with its biggest internal crisis in decades.

Mr Bo’s wife Gu Kailai and Zhang Xiaojun, a former family aide and co-defendant, were tried in the eastern city of Hefei on August 9 on charges of murdering Neil Heywood, the Bo family’s British business agent.

Gu Kailai Body Double

The verdict would be announced at 9am on Monday, said the Hefei Intermediate People’s Court.

Ms Gu is widely expected to be found guilty because Chinese state media had spoken of “irrefutable evidence” against her even before the trial started, and she confessed in court, according to observers present at the trial.

Chinese courts, which play a growing role in commercial disputes in the country, enjoy little or no independence in cases that are considered politically sensitive or touch upon the interests of government or party officials, well-connected individuals or state enterprises.

Ms Gu’s trial, which lasted for less than eight hours, was tightly stage-managed, with authorities barring access for foreign media.

The official accounts of the proceedings have triggered doubts and debate over the validity of Ms Gu’s reported confession and other details of the trial.

Two security experts familiar with facial recognition software said the person shown in state television footage of the courtroom was not Ms Gu.

…”

via Gu Kailai verdict set for Monday – FT.com.

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29/05/2012

* Former Chinese rail minister expelled from Party

China Daily: “Liu Zhijun violated discipline and will face judicial investigationLiu Zhijun, former railway minister, was expelled from the Communist Party of China due to serious disciplinary violations, according to a decision by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection announced on Monday.

Liu, 59, was also blamed for fostering corruption throughout the railway system. The disciplinary watchdog said Liu had taken advantage of his position to help Ding Yuxin, board chairwoman of Beijing Boyou Investment Management Corp, make huge illicit gains. He was also charged with accepting a large number of bribes and leading a corrupt life. His illicit gains have been confiscated and he will be handed over to the judicial department for further investigation. His disciplinary violations may include criminal acts, the watchdog said.

Lin Zhe, a professor at the Party School of the Central Committee of the CPC who specializes in fighting corruption, said Liu will probably face severe punishment. “Expelling Liu from the Party means his political life has ended,” she said, adding such punishment for an official is very heavy. However, Lin added Liu’s case will not be brought to court any time soon, “because the case is complicated”, and more time is needed to investigate. No matter what achievements an official has made, no matter how high his position was, the authority will deal with corruption without fear or favor, Lin added.

Li Chengyan, head of Peking University’s clean government research center, said the case is being treated seriously. “Lius punishment, after a one-year investigation, shows our government attaches great importance to the case.” The announcement on Monday is the latest development in the investigation.

Liu was appointed vice-minister of railways in 1996 and minister in 2003. He was removed from his post in February last year. At least eight senior officials at the Ministry of Railways have been sacked in the past two years and placed under investigation. They include, Zhang Shuguang, former deputy chief engineer at the ministry, Luo Jinbao, former board chairman of China Railway Container Transport Co and Su Shunhu, former deputy chief of the ministrys transport bureau.”

via Former rail minister expelled from Party |Politics |chinadaily.com.cn.

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