Posts tagged ‘United States’

19/12/2013

China military ship to help guard Syria chemical weapons destruction | Reuters

China is to send a military ship to help protect a specially adapted U.S. vessel that will destroy Syria\’s chemical weapons arsenal, the Foreign Ministry said on Thursday.

Syria is due to hand over deadly toxins which can be used to make sarin, VX gas and other lethal agents under an international agreement forged after an attack on the outskirts of Damascus killed hundreds in August.

The chemicals will be destroyed on board the specially adapted U.S. ship because they are too dangerous to import into any country. There is no agreement yet on where the ship will anchor while the work is carried out.

\”China has decided to send a military ship to participate in the protection mission for the shipping of Syrian chemical weapons,\” ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying told a daily news briefing.

She added that it was an \”important move\” to show China\’s support.

\”China hopes that the relevant work on removing Syria\’s chemical weapons can be completed safely and smoothly. This will assist in pushing for a political resolution to the Syrian issue, will assist in increasing regional peace and stability and accords with the interest of all sides,\” Hua said.

China has repeatedly called for a political resolution. It has also called for a full and impartial investigation by U.N. chemical weapons inspectors and warned against pre-judging the results. It has said that anyone who uses chemical weapons should be held accountable.

via China military ship to help guard Syria chemical weapons destruction | Reuters.

19/12/2013

Outrage in Parliament, govt. vows strong action – The Hindu

Amidst outrage expressed by members in Parliament, India on Wednesday asserted that it will intervene “effectively and specifically” to ensure the return and restoration of dignity of its Deputy Consul General in New York who has been arrested on charges of visa rules violation.

File photo of Deputy Consul General in New York Devyani Khobragade.

Responding to concerns expressed by members across party lines in both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid condemned the U.S. action and said he will not return to the House if he fails in his responsibility to bring back the arrested diplomat Devyani Khobragade.

Spelling out the series of steps initiated to scale down the privileges granted to U.S. diplomats in India, he said there was a “conspiracy” in which Ms. Khobragade was “virtually trapped”.

He said the diplomat is “innocent” and the U.S. action was unwarranted. “It is not illegality that she is accused of, but the illegality she refused to oblige,” he said.

Maintaining that the government was not over-reacting by taking a slew of measures against the U.S., Mr. Khurshid said the treatment meted out to Ms. Khobragade had “not happened out of blue” and there is a “history” behind it.

He asserted that the government is determined and “will intervene effectively and specifically to ensure that dignity of the diplomat is preserved.” Mr. Khurshid made suo motu statements in both the Houses after members expressed outrage with demands that a resolution be passed to condemn the U.S. action.

“It is my responsibility. We will bring back the diplomat (arrested in New York) and restore her dignity. If I fail to do it, I will not return to this House,” he said in Rajya Sabha.

In the Lok Sabha, he said, “First and foremost, our effort is to bring her out of this situation and then we will talk to the US government.”

via Outrage in Parliament, govt. vows strong action – The Hindu.

18/12/2013

How to win at leapfrog – excerpted from Reimagining India: by McKinsey & Company

From: http://www.mckinsey.com/insights/asia-pacific/how_to_win_at_leapfrog

India has a unique opportunity to avoid repeating other countries’ mistakes. Khosla Ventures founding partner Vinod Khosla argues that the “leapfrogging” mind-set requires policies that foster innovation not imitation.

December 2013 | byVinod Khosla

There’s a general tendency in life to want to do what others have done. It’s an understandable impulse but shortsighted. One of the great things about being a relatively poor, trailing, but rising power like India is that you have the opportunity to see what you want to imitate—and, more important, what you want to skip.

Here’s an example. In 2000, I chaired a three-day telecommunications seminar for McKinsey & Company in New Delhi. I talked to everybody about skipping the landline. I said, “If I were India, I wouldn’t worry about adding ten million more copper lines. I would go straight to voice over Internet and mobile.” I didn’t have it exactly right; I missed how big mobile could become and how quickly. But my argument was that the giant traditional telecom-equipment and -system providers were offering the wrong system for the 21st century. Happily for India, despite its plans to the contrary and its focus on “traditional technology” landlines, the right thing (mobile) has happened. And India is not alone in this path—Africa has taken a similar evolution toward mobile telephony.

Was this a one-time phenomenon? No. There are many areas where a developing country can apply this kind of leapfrog mentality and find a different path to a better future: education, health care, energy, even infrastructure. But the key, which leapfrog advocates often miss, is how you go about creating this alternative path.

So rather than trying to predict the future, India’s leaders should be trying to fit into the future as it happens. Instead of setting out ten concrete goals, they should encourage one broad direction and adopt an evolutionary mind-set. That way, as the world changes, as the price of oil shifts or a breakthrough technology comes along, India can adapt.

Take transportation, a pressing future need for India. In a linear model, you might presume that if there are 80 cars per 100 people in the United States, then that’s where India will end up and begin to plan for that. But if I were building the system, I would look for ways to anticipate and skip what exists today (my rule number one) while trying to lean in the right direction (rule number two). I would consider the possibility that for the world in 2025, self-driving cars, like the ones Google is well on the way to developing successfully, will be widespread. And then I would ask: What are some of the implications of that assumption?

The first implication is that we’ll need a different type of transportation infrastructure. With a system of self-driving cars at scale in the United States, you might end up with one-fifth of the current number of cars sold annually. Instead of owning cars individually, perhaps drivers of the future will think of cars more the way we do taxis and limos now or like fractional jet ownership of the sort that NetJets pioneered—as fleets you could tap into for different occasions and with a lower total cost of ownership. With the fleet approach, the quality of service could improve because customers wouldn’t be tied to the cars they bought. For a night on the town, you might get a BMW; for everyday use, a Prius; for hauling stuff over the weekend, a Suburban. And all ordered on your smartphone.

A second implication of the spread of self-driving cars and the adoption of a fleet approach to car ownership is that cities can set aside less space for parking. Think what phone companies do in dense urban spaces. They don’t add a phone line for every person in a building. They multiplex: if there are 100 people in a building, they run 25 to 30 lines. With self-driving vehicles, we could multiplex cars the same way.

A shift toward a multiplexed fleet of auto-navigating vehicles would enable India to cut resource usage in a major way, lessening the need for capital investment and reducing expenditures for steel. Electric cars would become more affordable; the usage factor would be much higher, so the payback time would be much shorter. Even with today’s batteries, you could justify paying a higher price for electric cars. Instead of being driven 6,500 kilometers a year, electric cars would be driven 160,000 kilometers a year, like a taxi. That, in turn, would lower oil consumption.

Such a distributed system would be much more adaptive than making a massive investment in a new electric rail network. Loads would dynamically balance to fit demand. A distributed approach to transportation doesn’t require betting on a single $10 billion project. In effect, the transportation network can be built out one $20,000 car at a time.

If these assumptions are correct, the future of India’s transportation system will look very different from the one the government is planning for. That’s what happened to India, accidentally, in communications. Why not learn from the telecommunications experience and apply the lesson to cars? The precise outcome doesn’t matter (my assumption may be wrong). The main thing is to create a regulatory and investment climate to support the right broad policy goals (access to transportation) rather than lock everyone into specific technologies. In a nutshell, we don’t know what the future winners are—and it would be foolish of government to attempt to determine that. But we can try to set the groundwork.

India needs more innovation capitalism. Take education. In Kenya, Khosla Ventures has funded a start-up called Bridge International Academies, which is operating hundreds of schools that break even at $5 per child a month, a price even the poorest can afford. We’re opening one or two new facilities a week. The model combines physical schools that can take up to 300 kids, but instead of using textbooks the pedagogy runs off mobile phones. We compete head-to-head with public education provided for free by the Kenyan government and are winning—both in outcomes and in the minds of low-income parents who willingly choose the Bridge option over others.

The shift to online education is slashing costs and transforming traditional approaches to teaching. Instead of a prescriptive system that specifies a strict time (four years of high school) and variable results in learning, we’re moving to a world of fixed learning (the subjects you master and skills you acquire) and variable time. The increasing sophistication of online assessment tools allows each student to advance at his or her own pace.

So when India plans for education in 2025, it may still want to build many more Indian Institutes of Technology. But it also needs to think about how it can leverage the technology revolution to reshape education at all levels and rethink its physical infrastructure. It needs to be sure it is creating policies that encourage these trends and financing lots of experiments.

One thing we’ve learned with Internet start-ups is that everything needs to be iterated continually. A successful venture like Pinterest went through 300 evolutions before it caught on. With online education, it will be the same. Like any biological system, it won’t be perfect at first, but it will keep on getting much better.

The same principles apply to health care. Today, if you compare the doctor-to-population ratio in the United States and India, India’s is ten times lower. The resource-intensive answer is to say we need to build ten times the number of medical schools we currently have. A better alternative is to accelerate the adoption of new computer diagnostic systems, delivered via cell phones and cheap tablets. I believe such systems can eventually replace 80 percent of doctor visits and deliver results with a better and more consistent quality of care.

I’m not arguing that India doesn’t need more and better physical infrastructure—roads, ports, power plants, and the like. I’m saying that the size of that future increase can be reduced by scaling out an alternative electronic infrastructure, which is also cheaper to build.

Despite India’s well-known problems, I am optimistic about its prospects. Its enormous young English-speaking population is a huge advantage. Its democracy, though messy, adds resilience and stability to the system and gives it an advantage over planned-and-directed economies like China, despite China’s reputation for “getting things done.” The overseas Indian community is increasingly emerging as a great resource for seeding—not only capital, but also a desire to experiment and try something different. And, frankly, new ideas are more important than capital.

The critical missing link is to marry that leapfrogging mind-set to a better policy framework that sparks innovation and experimentation—one that reimagines the future by encouraging instead of prescribing.

About the author

Vinod Khosla is founding partner of Khosla Ventures. This essay is excerpted from Reimagining India: Unlocking the Potential of Asia’s Next Superpower. Copyright © 2013 by McKinsey & Company. Published by Simon & Schuster, Inc. Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

 

16/12/2013

U.S. offers new assistance to Vietnam to patrol seas | Reuters

Sounds to me like “pouring oil on troubled waters”!

“The United States on Monday offered fresh financial assistance to Vietnam to boost maritime security on its borders, which comes as regional tension grows with China over territorial claims in the South China Sea.

A Vietnamese naval soldier stands quard at Thuyen Chai island in the Spratly archipelago January 17, 2013. REUTERS/Quang Le

On his first visit to Vietnam as secretary of state, John Kerry denied the new assistance had anything to do with China although he called for \”intensified negotiations and diplomatic initiatives\” between China and Japan on resolving differences in the East China Sea.

He repeated that the United States did not recognize a new air defense zone announced by China this month over the East China Sea.

via U.S. offers new assistance to Vietnam to patrol seas | Reuters.

14/12/2013

Call Made to Congress for China War Plan | DoD Buzz

The U.S. military needs a more focused war plan specific to China, especially after China’s recent declaration of an air defense zone over the East China Sea, a group of defense analysts told a prominent House subcommittee Wednesday.

Call Made to Congress for China War Plan

As part of the Pentagon’s overall defense strategy to pivot to the Pacific, the U.S. should buy more Virginia-class attack submarines, prioritizing long-range anti-ship missiles, carrier-based drones, and missile defense technology, the analysts told the House Armed Services’ Seapower and Projection Forces Subcommittee.

Seth Cropsey, a senior fellow at The Hudson Institute, told the subcommittee that the U.S needs a detailed war plan for China in the event that conflict arises.

Chinese leaders are ambitious and they are moving toward great power status. The U.S. is not taking this possibility as seriously as it should,” said

Much of the hearing was focused on how the U.S. can counter-balance Chinese strategic moves to deny access to certain areas in the region through the use of long-range missiles, guided missile destroyers and submarines. In particular, the analysts said China have sought to control waterways, choke points and restrict access to key islands and territories in the region.

China has already provoked tensions in the region by declaring an air-defense zone in the East China Sea. U.S. leaders flew two unarmed B-52s through the area shortly after the announcement. However, the White House has also asked civilian U.S. airliners to alert China when their aircraft fly through the zone.

“While Naval modernization is a natural development for any sea-faring nation such as China, it is clear the modernization is emboldening the Chinese government to exert their interests by bullying their neighbors and pushing back the United States in the Asia Pacific region,” said Rep. Randy Forbes, R-Va., chairman of the Seapower and Projection Forces Subcommittee.

If China succeeds in restricting access to or controlling its near seas, that would present “major implications for U.S. strategy and constitute a major challenge to the post World War II international order,” said Ronald O’Rourke, specialist in Naval Affairs, Congressional Research Service.

Chinese defense spending has increased from an estimated $45 to $60-billion annually in 2003 to $115 to $200 billion today, said Jim Thomas, vice president and director of studies, Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments.

This includes investments in ships, long-range missiles, fighter jets and submarines, he explained. Unlike the U.S. which maintains a global posture, the Chinese military can spend all of its funds on regional counter-intervention, Thomas said.

The Chinese military has as many as 100 land-based strike fighters equipped with sophisticated avionics, sensors and advanced air-to-air missiles, he testified. Thomas also mentioned China’s DF-21D long-range ballistic missile, a weapon with a maneuverable warhead able to attack large surface combatants at ranges up to 930 miles.

“A decade ago China was reliant upon Russian assistance in its armaments, but is now increasingly shifted toward indigenous design and production. It is rapidly building up a modernized submarine force and its advanced guided missile destroyers represent a major improvement in fleet air defenses,” he told the Subcommittee.

These defenses are designed to protect aircraft carriers and help China push its Naval perimeter further off the coast, Thomas added. China also has an armada of small, armed fast-attack craft which could make it difficult for foreign forces to approach to within 200 nautical miles of the Chinese coast, Thomas testified.

Being able to thwart or spoof command and control and intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance networks needs to be a key part of a counter-China defense strategy, Thomas emphasized as well.

via Call Made to Congress for China War Plan | DoD Buzz.

14/12/2013

Susan Rice Attempts to Solve the Japan-China Deadlock – FPIF

Sending Caroline Kennedy, a household name in the United States, to Japan as the ambassador indicates that President Obama has realized there is no better choice than using the tension in East Asia to capture and retain the attention of the American public to his amazing skills in handling Asia. While the jingoistic heat may stay for a while, the White House will cool it down soon.

Trans-Asian Railway

In 1940, the GDP (in US$ billion) of Germany, Japan, the UK and the U.S. amounted to US$387, $192, $316 and $943 respectively, with a ratio between the two Axis and the two Allied powers at 0.4599:1. In 2012, the GDP of China, Japan and the U.S. amounted to $8,358, $5,960 and $15,685 billion respectively, with a ratio between China and the U.S.-Japan team at 0.3861:1.  The GDP per capita of the U.S. in 2012 was US$49,965 and that of Japan was US$46,720, but the Chinese figure was merely US$6,188 which was less than 7% of the U.S.-Japan combined total.

Strategically speaking, without Taiwan as the “unsinkable aircraft carrier”, China’s air force is fragile around the islands in dispute, not to mention their wide generational gap behind the U.S. fighters.  Even laymen know that when Boeing is promoting the latest model—787 Dreamliner, China is still at the infant stage of manufacturing passenger jets. In terms of national strength and technology, China cannot match with the United States. The current hawkish talks will no doubt help newspapers sell better and online journals attract more eyeballs but insiders and military experts know that this confrontational game is asymmetrical. Nevertheless, both Tokyo and Beijing benefit from playing this game for domestic politics consideration in due course.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe can make the best use of it to consolidate the public support for his Liberal Democratic Party during the newly won 4-year term at the House of Representatives by proving that his party is more protective of Japan’s national interest than the Democratic Party of Japan whose leaders like Naoto Kan and Yukio Hatoyama appeared to be weak at the bargaining table during their governance 2009-12.

To the Chinese Communist Party, the Sino-Japanese tension is the most gifted justification for fostering patriotism and weakening the idolization of the West by some netizens and scholars. All the parties in power know that this confrontational show will not lead to any combat and will not last long. When the calculation and pressure for election campaigning in Japan subside after 2016, serious negotiation will resume. Both sides do not want to see long-term shrinkage of trade volume and cannot afford to leave the crude and gas under the sea untouched forever. In fact, a delegation of leading Japanese business leaders, including Fujio Cho (honorary chairman of Toyota Motors) and Hiromasa Yonekura (honorary chairman of Nippon Steel and Sumitomo Metals) is having a week-long stay in Beijing to try to open the door for peace by meeting at least the Chinese Vice-Premier Wang Yang who is in charge of trade and commerce.

This 2014-16 period will therefore be the show time for the White House to mastermind the progress towards a warm feeling for talks. National Security Advisor Susan Rice revealed a hint on how the U.S. could pave the way for a Japan-China deal in her Georgetown University script. In the eighth paragraph of the speech titled “America’s Future in Asia”, she began by saying that when “it comes to China, we seek to operationalize a new model of major power relations” and then brought the audience to the Korean Peninsula, Iran, Afghanistan, “Sudan”, “sub-Saharan Africa” and even benefits of “the peoples of Africa”. Why is Africa dragged into this already complicated problem in a speech supposed to be on America-Asia when “it comes to China”?

Knowing that China is not just rushing to complete the 80,900-km Trans-Asian Railway project and the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor, but also going to provide US$1 trillion of financing to Africa in the years to 2025 through the state-owned banks including the Eximbank to further increase the Chinese stakes in this under-developed continent, Washington could bargain for favors towards the U.S., Japan and even the Philippines by offering, say, ‘less barriers’ to China’s advancement to Africa. To China, the natural resources in western Asia, Latin America and Africa represent the lion share of the commodities the 1.3 billion population needs. Here is the simple equation Susan Rice is going to show the pragmatic Chinese helmsman rulers: In the wake of China’s no match for the military strength of the U.S. worldwide, a smaller share in the east (East Asia) plus a larger (or less costly) share in the west (western Asia and Africa) can yield the same amount of sum in the end.  It is how and why a deal is possible.

via Susan Rice Attempts to Solve the Japan-China Deadlock – FPIF.

13/12/2013

Guess What? The U.S. and China Don’t Trust Each Other Much – Businessweek

And the Chinese trust Americans even less. That’s the conclusion of the U.S.-China Security Perceptions Survey (PDF) released on Dec. 11 by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Beijing-based research organization China Strategic Culture Promotion Association (CSCPA). “There is a low level of strategic trust between the United States and China, which could make bilateral relations more turbulent,” warns the survey.

A tourist wearing a face mask visits Tiananmen Square in Beijing on Nov. 23

Working with the Pew Research Center and the Research Center for Contemporary China at Peking University, as well as the Kissinger Institute on China and the United States at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the Carnegie-CSCPA survey canvassed the general public and elites in government, business, academia, the military, and the media last year. In the U.S., it surveyed 1,004 adults among the general public and 305 elites. In China, it canvassed 2,597 adults in urban areas and 358 elites.

The tendency among the general public to label the other country an outright enemy was encouragingly low; only 15 percent of Americans and 12 percent of Chinese believe that. Notable, however, was the comparative lack of trust shown by Chinese elites, with 27 percent viewing the U.S. as a foe, compared with just 2 percent of American elites saying that about China.

via Guess What? The U.S. and China Don’t Trust Each Other Much – Businessweek.

09/12/2013

Guest post: Senkaku – accelerating the China relocation trade? | beyondbrics

The debate continues on the motivations and risks of China’s decision on November 23 to announce an East China Sea Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) which critically includes the disputed Senkaku Islands (know in China as Daioyu). There is little dispute that the standoff between China, Japan and the US has the capacity to escalate into something much more dangerous unless US Vice-President Joe Biden’s recent Asia trip is effective in ratcheting down tensions.

Has China miscalculated in terms of the rapid US response of B52 bomber sorties over the disputed Islands or prospective US naval deployment build-up in the region? Or is this the preliminary phase of a much longer-term slow creep by China in fulfilling its ambitions in establishing a more dominant regional role? Vietnam, the Philippines, Taiwan, Malaysia and Brunei (all US allies) are – like Japan – enmeshed in arguments with Beijing over relatively minor but potentially strategic bits of maritime real estate. Does the US administration have the willingness to back its allies on all fronts

Others have argued that the new Chinese leadership under President Xi Jinping are using nationalist sentiment to distract the Chinese public from the growth slowdown as well as solidify support among the Chinese military. Meanwhile Japan has been busily building up mutual defence and security ties across southeast Asia, and with Australia and India, as a hedge against Beijing. The state visit of the Japanese Emperor to India to has taken on even more significance.

While the geopolitical dynamics remain fluid and uncertain, a more definite consequence of the dispute may well be to accelerate the China relocation macro theme with major implications for FDI flows in the rest of the region. Up until now the primary motivation for foreign companies with large scale manufacturing operations to relocate from China has been the rapid rise in Chinese labour costs and the growing signs of worker shortages. The case was made most effectively by former World Bank Chief Economist Justin Yifu Lin (see Chandra, Lin and Wang (2012)) who suggested that:

industrial upgrading has increased wages and is causing China to graduate from labor-intensive to more capital-and technology-intensive industries. These industries will shed labor and create a huge opportunity for lower wage countries to start a phase of labor-intensive industrialization.

This process, which they called the Leading Dragon Phenomenon, offers an unprecedented opportunity to low-income countries where the industrial sector is underdeveloped and investment capital and entrepreneurial skills are leading constraints to manufacturing. They also note that low income countries such can seize the opportunity and resolve the constraints by attracting some of the FDI flowing currently from China, India and Brazil into the manufacturing sectors of other developing countries.

So the relocation of factories as a result of China economic rebalancing is a multi-year structural trend that is likely to be the dominant macro theme for developing economies for the next decade and beyond. But it is becoming more apparent that political risk mitigation in the face of resurgent Chinese regional territorial ambitions and aggressiveness will re-inforce the macroeconomic justification for diversifying away from China. Japanese outward FDI has increased for two years in succession, with 2012 the second highest increase in history ($122.4bn, an increase of 12.5 per cent over the previous year). Japan’s total outward FDI stock exceeded $1tn. However what is more interesting, as illustrated in the diagram below, is that Japan’s FDI flow to ASEAN has grown relative to that towards China.

Even if it’s a remote scenario, what if accidental engagement between Japanese and Chinese fighters in the newly announced ADIZ rapidly escalated into a more serious conflict or even declaration of war? The hundreds of billions of dollars of Japanese investment into factories in China would appear at risk. Even if we exclude the expropriation of factories directly, at the very minimum, the experience of Chinese nationalist protests over the Yasukune shrine visits by Japanese politicians or in the more distant past the US bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade are clearly risks that policy makers and boards of Japanese multinationals must be increasingly worried about. And, unlike Chinese holdings of US treasuries that could be liquidated reasonably quickly, albeit potentially at the risk of self-destructively causing a meltdown in global financial markets, FDI in factory assets is, by its very nature, immobile. Moreover Japanese managers and workers in China would also be vulnerable. One might argue that there is a risk of a similar level of concern developing in Seoul or Taipei or perhaps even Washington.

via Guest post: Senkaku – accelerating the China relocation trade? | beyondbrics.

Ifty Islam is the managing partner of AT Capital in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Ifty.islam@ at-capital.com

08/12/2013

South Korea expands air defense zone to partially overlap China’s | Reuters

China two weeks ago that has sharply raised regional tensions.

Beijing\’s declaration of an air defense identification zone in an area that includes islands at the heart of a territorial dispute with Japan has triggered protests from the United States and its close allies Japan and South Korea.

Announcing the expansion of its own zone to include two territorial islands to the south and a submerged rock also claimed by China, South Korea\’s Defence Ministry said the move would not infringe on neighboring countries\’ sovereignty.

\”We believe this will not significantly impact our relationships with China and with Japan as we try to work for peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia,\” defence ministry head of policy Jang Hyuk told a briefing.

\”We have explained our position to related countries and overall they are in agreement that this move complies with international regulations and is not an excessive measure,\” he said, adding the ministry\’s top priority was to work with neighboring countries to prevent military confrontation.

via South Korea expands air defense zone to partially overlap China’s | Reuters.

06/12/2013

China cheats on international education rankings.

The release of the 2012 scores from the Program of International Student Assessment, an exam given every three years that tests students around the world, on reading math and science, is going to provoke a lot of hand-wringing in the United States, and for good reason. U.S. students are sliding down the rankings in all three categories and perform lower than the OECD average in math.

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The second wave of coverage is going to be about how East Asian countries are now dominating the rankings. There’s some truth to this narrative too, but also some problems with it.

The three “countries” at the top of the PISA rankings are in fact cities—Shanghai, Singapore, and Hong Kong—as is No. 6, Macau. These are all big cities with great schools by any standards, but comparing them against large, geographically dispersed countries is a little misleading.

Shanghai’s No. 1 spot on the rankings is particularly problematic. Singapore is an independent country, obviously, and Hong Kong and Macau are autonomous regions, but why just Shanghai and not the rest of China?

As Tom Loveless for the Brookings Institution wrote earlier this year, “China has an unusual arrangement with the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the organization responsible for PISA.  Other provinces took the 2009 PISA test, but the Chinese government only allowed the release of Shanghai’s scores.”

As you might imagine, conditions in a global financial capital are somewhat different from the rest of China, a country where 66 percent of children still live in rural areas

via China cheats on international education rankings..

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