Posts tagged ‘Marxism’


Han cadres required to learn Tibetan language – Xinhua |

Mastery of the Tibetan language will become a requirement for non-native cadres in China’s Tibet Autonomous Region.

All seven prefecture-level cities in Tibet have started organizing Tibetan language training for non-native cadres, according to the regional bureau of compilation and translation on Monday.

Qoizha, deputy director of the bureau, said they have handed out 40,000 books on basic Tibetan language for daily conversation.

President Xi Jinping stressed at a conference on ethnic work in September 2014 that in ethnic regions, ethnic minority cadres should learn Mandarin, and Han cadres should also learn ethnic languages. The language skill should become a “requirement” for cadres.

“One cannot serve the local people well if one cannot speak the local language,” Xi said.

Tibet has adopted a bilingual policy since the regional legislature passed a law in 1987 stipulating both Tibetan language and Mandarin as official languages in the region.

Qoizha said over 90 percent of Tibet’s population of 3 million is of Tibetan ethnicity. Breaking the language hurdle can help non-native cadres better interact with local communities.

In the past 20 years, close to 6,000 cadres and technical professionals from various Chinese provinces and municipalities have been sent to help develop the southwestern autonomous region of Tibet. Cadres usually stay in the region for three years.

via Han cadres required to learn Tibetan language – Xinhua |


Communist Party orders ‘core socialist values’ on the curriculum | South China Morning Post

Educational institutions – from primary schools to universities – will be a major target of a sweeping Marxist education campaign announced yesterday by the Communist Party.


The unusually detailed action plan released by the ruling party\’s General Office was seen as an attempt by party boss and President Xi Jinping to fight against public scepticism and fill a perceived moral vacuum opened by decades of breakneck economic growth.

The document called on almost every sector of society – from schools to the media to social organisations to the business community – to promote the so-called socialist core values.

The 24 values, which include prosperity, democracy, social harmony, credibility and rule of law, were detailed by last year\’s national party congress. The values were divided into three groups, known as the \”three advocates\”.

\”Xi is trying to leave his own legacy by pressing the whole society to embrace the \’three advocates\’ with specific action plans for a variety of social institutions,\” said Zhang Ming, a political science professor at Renmin University. \”But the question remains whether the public will buy it. It is impossible to carve them into the brain.\”

In 2006, former party chief and president Hu Jintao similarly released a set of moral principles known as \”eight honours and eight shames\”, which urged cadres to be patriotic, serve the people and follow science.

This latest document called for the core values to be incorporated into the education system, stressing that ideological education from primary schools to universities must be strengthened.

The mass media should be further utilised, with major broadcasters designating specific programmes for spreading socialist ideologies, as well as encouraging more public service advertisements, it said.

Zhang Lifan , a Beijing-based commentator, said the stress on ideology was triggered by controversies that have shaken the party\’s authority, such as the debate over constitutionalism, or making the party subject to an overarching system of laws.

\”The party has lost faith among the public,\” Zhang said. \”And the ultimate fear is that it will lose its power.\”

via Communist Party orders ‘core socialist values’ on the curriculum | South China Morning Post.


* Constitution hails reform and opening up China’s “salient feature”

It’s one thing to change the constitution, it’s another to effect real change.  Let’s hope China means it and that by reform it means both economic and political reform.

Xinhua: The Communist Party of China (CPC) has amended its Constitution to hail reform and opening up as the path to a stronger China, and the salient feature of the new period in China, according to a resolution approved by the just-ended 18th CPC National Congress on Wednesday morning.

The inclusion of this statement in the Party Constitution will help the whole Party acquire a deeper understanding of the importance of continuing to carry out reform and opening up and thus pursue this endeavor even more consciously and with greater determination, says the resolution.

It is by carrying out reform and opening up that China has achieved rapid development in the past 30-plus years, and it is reform and opening up that will ensure its future development, it says.

“Only reform and opening up can enable China, socialism and Marxism to develop themselves,” it says.”

via Constitution hails reform and opening up China’s “salient feature” – Xinhua |


* Buried in a bleak text, hope for a Chinese political experiment

Thanks to Reuters for discovering this ‘gem’.

Reuters: “Chinese Communist Party leader Hu Jintao‘s opening speech at the ongoing 18th Party Congress was a disappointment to many listeners, offering no major signals that the leadership is willing to advance political reform.

People walk in front of a large screen displaying propaganda slogans on Beijing's Tiananmen Square November 12, 2012. REUTERS/David Gray

The 64-page keynote speech he delivered was couched in the usual conservative and Marxist terminology, but one paragraph buried deep in the text was just what proponents of a long-running experiment in public policy consultations have been waiting for.

The section in question urged the ruling party to “improve the system of socialist consultative democracy”.

Academics and officials say the mention of “consultative democracy” is the first ever in such an important document, and it is seen by some as a strong endorsement of the long-standing experiment with this form of democracy, in Wenling, a city of 1.2 million in Zhejiang province, south of Shanghai.

The city has formalized public consultation on public projects and government spending at the township level, although there is no voting and decisions remain the preserve of the state machinery.

Xi Jinping, almost certain to be named the next party general secretary on Thursday, was party boss in Zhejiang in 2002-2007, as the Wenling project deepened.

The congress report is the most important political speech in China. Delivered once every five years by the party’s general secretary, it sets down political markers and charts a development course for the coming five to 10 years.

“Of course this is a good thing,” said Chen Yimin, a Wenling propaganda official who has been a driving force behind the system of open hearings, where citizens can weigh in on things like proposed industrial projects and administrative budgets – providing at least a bit of check on their local officials.

“This shows that the democratic consultations… that we have been doing for 13 years since 1999, have finally gained recognition and approval from the centre. It opens up space for further development. It says our democratic consultations are correct,” he said by phone from Zhejiang.

Chen Tiexiong, a delegate to the congress and party boss of Taizhou, the city that oversees Wenling, which itself has rolled out Wenling-style consultations in recent years, agreed.

“I looked at that part of the speech closely because in terms of promoting democratic politics Taizhou has done a lot, and it has been in the form of consultative democracy,” he told Reuters on the sidelines of the congress.”

via Buried in a bleak text, hope for a Chinese political experiment | Reuters.


* As China Talks of Change, Fear Rises on Risks

NY Times: “A heavyweight crowd gathered last October for a banquet in Beijing’s tallest skyscraper. The son of Mao Zedong’s immediate successor was there, as was the daughter of the country’s No. 2 military official for nearly three decades, along with the half sister of China’s president-in-waiting, and many more.

“All you had to do,” said one attendee, Zhang Lifan, “was look at the number of luxury cars and the low numbers on the plates.”

Most surprising, though, was the reason for the meeting. A small coterie of children of China’s founding elites who favor deeper political and economic change had come to debate the need for a new direction under the next generation of Communist Party leaders, who are set to take power in a once-a-decade changeover set to begin this year. Many had met the previous August, and would meet again in February.

The private gatherings are a telling indicator of how even some in the elite are worried about the course the Communist Party is charting for China’s future. And to advocates of political change, they offer hope that influential party members support the idea that tomorrow’s China should give citizens more power to choose their leaders and seek redress for grievances, two longtime complaints about the current system.

But the problem is that even as the tiny band of political reformers is attracting more influential adherents, it is splintered into factions that cannot agree on what “reform” would be, much less how to achieve it. The fundamental shifts that are crucial to their demands — a legal system beyond Communist Party control as well as elections with real rules and real choices among candidates — are seen even among the most radical as distant dreams, at best part of a second phase of reform.

In addition, the political winds are not blowing in their favor. The spectacular fall this spring of Bo Xilai, the Politburo member who openly espoused a populist philosophy at odds with elite leaders, offered an object lesson in the dangers of challenging the status quo. And official silence surrounding his case underscores high-level fears that any public cracks in the leadership’s facade of unity could lead its power to crumble.

As a result, few people here expect the party to willingly refashion itself anytime soon. And even those within the elite prepared to discuss deeper changes, including the second-generation “princelings,” as they are known, have a stake in protecting their own privileges.

“Compare now to 1989; in ’89, the reformers had the upper hand,” said Mr. Zhang, a historian formerly associated with the government’s Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, referring to the pro-democracy student protests that enjoyed the support of a number of important party leaders but were crushed in Tiananmen Square. “Twenty years later, the reformers have grown weaker. Now there are so many vested interests that they’ll be taken out if they touch anyone else’s interests.”

To Mr. Zhang and others, this is the conundrum of China’s rise: the autocracy that back-flipped on Marxist ideology to forge the world’s second-largest economy seems incapable of embracing political changes that actually could prolong its own survival.

Much as many Americans bemoan a gridlocked government split by a yawning partisan gap, Chinese advocates for change lament an all-powerful Communist Party they say is gridlocked by intersecting self-interests. None of the dominant players — a wealthy and commanding elite; rich and influential state industries; a vast, entrenched bureaucracy — stand to gain by ceding power to the broader public.

Many who identify with the reform camp see change as inevitable anyway, but only, they say, because social upheaval will force it. In that view, discontent with growing inequality, corruption, pollution and other societal ills will inevitably lead to a more democratic society — or a sharp turn toward totalitarianism.

An overriding worry is that unless change is carefully planned and executed, China risks another Cultural Revolution-style upheaval that could set it back decades.”

via As China Talks of Change, Fear Rises on Risks –

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